Norbert Hornstein is Professor of Linguistics at the University of Maryland, College Park.

• Acknowledgments viiiList of Abbreviations ix1 An Introduction 11 The Grammatical Locus of Semantic Interpretation 12 Two Ways of Identifying LF 33 Studying LF 52 Motivating LF 101 Interpreting LF 112 The Empty Category Principle at LF 133 Cross Over Effects at LF 214 Bound Pronouns 235 Conclusion 28Appendix Subjacency 283 More on LF 351 Relative Quantifier Scope 351.1 Aoun and Li (1989) 351.2 Aoun and Li (1993a) 402 The Relative Scope of WHs and Quantifiers 442.1 The Problem 442.2 Generalized Binding and Variable Types 462.3 MBR and WH/Q Structures 473 Antecedent-contained Deletion (ACD) 534 Conclusion 584 Some Minimalist Background 591 Where We Are 592 Where We Are Going: Outlines of a Minimalist Theory 622.1 LF and PF as the Sole Grammatical Levels 632.2 Basic Grammatical Relations are X’-theoretic 672.3 Elements Move to Satisfy Morphological Requirements 693 Conclusion 715 Antecedent-Contained Deletion 721 Baltin (1987) on ACD 732 Larson and May's Reply 743 ACDs and Minimalism 784 A Minimalist Theory of ACDs 795 Adjunct ACDs 846 Further Implications 877 ACDs and LF V-raising: Some Cross-linguistic Considerations 918 Conclusion 96Appendix 1 Nominative Objects 97Appendix 2 Just Where is LF? 986 Linking, Binding, and Weak Cross Over 991 Introduction 992 Linked Pronouns 1003 Stating the Weak Cross Over Principle 1064 The WCOP and Minimalism. 1105 A Further Consequence: Linking and Quantifier/WH Interactions 1116 A Loose End: Reanalyzing “almost c-command” 1187 Conclusion 1227 Superiority Effects 1231 Introduction 1232 Superiority and Functional WHs 1253 Further Facts: Multiple Which Questions 1304 Some Comparative Superiority Data 1354.1 Languages with Multiply Fronted WHs 1354.2 Subject Postposing and Superiority 1414.3 Superiority in Clauses with Three WHs 1434.4 Anti-superiority Effects in Japanese 1444.5 Multiple Interrogatives with “Why” 1474.6 Yes/No Questions 1504.7 Concluding Remarks 1515 Conclusion 1528 Quantifier Scope 1531 Introduction: Basic Assumptions 1532 Subject and Object Quantified NPs 1553 Scope Restrictions 1584 Chinese Quantifiers 1645 Weak Cross Over Superiority, and Polarity 1656 Some Further Benefits of Eliminating QR 1717 Two Residual Cases 1757.1 Prepositional Objects 1757.2 Double Object Constructions (DOCs) 1778 Conclusion 1809 Revisiting the Minimalist Program 1831 The Status of LF 1832 Chains and their Properties 1863 Derivational Constraints on Chains 1924 PF Chains 1955 “Pure” Subject/Object Asymmetries 1976 Conclusion 201Notes 203Bibliography 253Index 259